Signal boost! This is really important.
Here are two essays dealing with recent debates in PoC organizing around privilege theory (also called identity politics, anti-oppression politics, safe space politics, etc). Both are by people of color.
The first essay, in the link above (click here), was originally published on the Black Orchid Collective’s website. It argues that privilege politics as it exists today is dangerously liberal and neutralizes radical liberation movements. The author makes four critiques of privilege theory. For example:
“There is no doubt that certain groups are more likely to be targeted by the police during political actions and that the repression they face will be greater, not to mention they might have less resources to call upon in their defense. These are all fairly obvious realities of white supremacy. These factors certainly hinder greater struggle. At no point should they be underestimated. At the same time, these factors are exactly the forms of oppression which must be defeated. These movements must find ways to deal with these issues politically and organizationally. Who will defeat these forms of oppression and how? If the liberation of oppressed people must be carried out by oppressed people then the tasks of liberation remain in the hands with the people who have the greatest risks. If white supremacy can only be defeated by mass and militant action and not legislation or pithy reforms then the style of struggle is fairly clear as well. What is privilege theory’s response to these two fundamental premises? Privilege theory ends up in a dead end.”
The second essay is a critical response by Invisible Man (click here for link).
From the Black Orchid Collective’s discussion of both pieces:
“Like the original piece, Invisible Man draws heavily from the traditions of Malcolm X, Fanon, CLR James and the Black Power movement and come to different conclusions. They pose questions to the original such as, why should we assume that the white militants we organize with, are not white supremacist? Why should we assume that they do not inherit the white supremacist ideology that has placed them above all non-white people? Should non-white militants organize independently so that they can gain sufficient power and strength? Are such organizations an expression of racially oppressed people’s self liberation? They further discuss the experience of non-white people when they address the racism of white organizers, to question the possibility of multiracial organizations.
Other responses to the original piece can be found here (click for link).
This has become a very important discussion in radical people of color organizing, that threatens a split between the two major camps. The editors of this blog hold that there are many problems with mainstream privilege politics as they exist today, especially in incapacitating people of color movements from feeling empowered to escalate militant struggle. We also believe, however, that there are many critical advances made by privilege politics in, ironically, helping to empower oppressed people.
We would like to ask our readers where they stand on this issue. Can a balance be found?
May 2012
20 posts
“Do not sigh, for your enemy will hear and rejoice” – Yemeni Proverb
In 2011, many countries of the Arab world erupted in never-ending scenes of uprisings, protest, and dissent. The age of digital media allowed the world to witness the details of conflict throughout the Middle East. Except in…
Here are two essays dealing with recent debates in PoC organizing around privilege theory (also called identity politics, anti-oppression politics, safe space politics, etc). Both are by people of color.
The first essay, in the link above (click here), was originally published on the Black Orchid Collective’s website. It argues that privilege politics as it exists today is dangerously liberal and neutralizes radical liberation movements. The author makes four critiques of privilege theory. For example:
“There is no doubt that certain groups are more likely to be targeted by the police during political actions and that the repression they face will be greater, not to mention they might have less resources to call upon in their defense. These are all fairly obvious realities of white supremacy. These factors certainly hinder greater struggle. At no point should they be underestimated. At the same time, these factors are exactly the forms of oppression which must be defeated. These movements must find ways to deal with these issues politically and organizationally. Who will defeat these forms of oppression and how? If the liberation of oppressed people must be carried out by oppressed people then the tasks of liberation remain in the hands with the people who have the greatest risks. If white supremacy can only be defeated by mass and militant action and not legislation or pithy reforms then the style of struggle is fairly clear as well. What is privilege theory’s response to these two fundamental premises? Privilege theory ends up in a dead end.”
The second essay is a critical response by Invisible Man (click here for link).
From the Black Orchid Collective’s discussion of both pieces:
“Like the original piece, Invisible Man draws heavily from the traditions of Malcolm X, Fanon, CLR James and the Black Power movement and come to different conclusions. They pose questions to the original such as, why should we assume that the white militants we organize with, are not white supremacist? Why should we assume that they do not inherit the white supremacist ideology that has placed them above all non-white people? Should non-white militants organize independently so that they can gain sufficient power and strength? Are such organizations an expression of racially oppressed people’s self liberation? They further discuss the experience of non-white people when they address the racism of white organizers, to question the possibility of multiracial organizations.
Other responses to the original piece can be found here (click for link).
This has become a very important discussion in radical people of color organizing, that threatens a split between the two major camps. The editors of this blog hold that there are many problems with mainstream privilege politics as they exist today, especially in incapacitating people of color movements from feeling empowered to escalate militant struggle. We also believe, however, that there are many critical advances made by privilege politics, ironically, in helping to empower oppressed people.
We would like to ask our readers where they stand on this issue. Can a balance be found?
Palestinian prisoners on hunger strike were like:
So I signed this petition
to envisage struggle as a long term transformation.
We don’t need to participate in great heroic acts,
small actions shared and taken up through further
initiatives can multiply and modify the context from
whence they came from, reaching people who are
in other parts of Brazil, other parts of the world or
even over there in Redfern. A revolutionary change
is an infinite succession of surprises that move
towards a more fair society” —howard zinn
they carried out the wishes of the landlord and his son
furniture’s out on the sidewalk next to the family that little piggie went to market,
So they’re kicking out everyone
talking about process and dismissal forced removal of the people
on the corner shelter and location
everybody wants somewhere
the elected are such willing partners
look who’s buying all their tickets to the game
development wants, development gets
it’s official
development wants this neighbourhood
gone so the city just wants the same talking about process and dismissal
forced removal of the people on the corner shelter and location
everybody wants somewhere
everybody wants somewhere” —Fugazi –“Cashout”
The past is all about us and within” — Oodgeroo Noonuccal (Kath Walker) 19701
- Don’t assume those you intend to help even wanted your help.
- You are not there to ‘help’ anyone. Help assumes you are in authority and they depend on you.
- You are there to work with people.
- Those people are not charity cases: they are human beings with feelings history and personal identities. Like you. Treat them as such.
- That means stop thinking its so goddamn ’beautiful’ to hold a black child’s hand or ‘inspiring’ when you wear their clothes and practice their customs or ‘amazing’ when you see a person wear western clothes.
- You’re exotifying people based on racist and ignorant ideas you had of them. Go back to no. 4
- The people you work with don’t exist to make you/your life look better.
- Don’t assume you know what’s best for them. Ask. Listen.
- Listen to them more than those you view as your ‘equals’ (fellow volunteers/white ppl)
- Don’t expect those you work with to be thankful to you. They didn’t ask you to work with them in the first place.
- You are not there to ‘save the day’.
- Treat them the way you treat your friends; be there for them when they want/need you, offer advice but don’t act butthurt if they don’t take it.
- You do not have all the answers. Nobody does. So don’t act like you do. It shows.
- Don’t describe those you work with as ‘underprivileged’ or other demeaning eurocentric words. What you are doing is comparing your own life to theirs and assuming everyone wants the type of life you have. Go back to no. 6 & 7
(this also goes for working with kids, women’s groups, people with certain disabilites etc. whether in your own country or abroad. Feel free to add more points that hasn’t been covered and reblog. End the White Saviour Complex)
because a friend of mine said she doesn’t declare herself as a ‘feminist’ because she ‘doesn’t believe in everything they stand for’. As if every feminist must hold the exact same opinion/criteria of beliefs. The reality is we each have individual…
I rarely put more than 10 or so of my own words into a post, but this shit is important.
If you live in DC, you may know the Fojol Bros. This crew of gadjes serve Indian food from a fleet of trucks painted in crazy colors and blaring Bollywood and hipster tunes in a double whammy of…